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- <text id=89TT1758>
- <title>
- July 03, 1989: The Presidency
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
- July 03, 1989 Great Ball Of Fire:Angry Sun
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 16
- The Presidency
- Giving Honor to Old Glory
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By Hugh Sidey
- </p>
- <p> "No matter whether th' constitution follows th' flag or not,
- th' supreme coort follows th' iliction returns."
- </p>
- <p> -- Mr. Dooley
- </p>
- <p> Not this time. Neither the flag nor the returns. "That flag
- decision," allowed political analyst Horace Busby, "shows that
- old Mr. Dooley (Finley Peter Dunne's fictional Chicago
- bartender) sometimes didn't know what he was talking about.
- This Supreme Court must not even read the newspapers." Busby
- plans to monitor the July 4th festivities across the nation. If
- the flag burners come out in force, there could be quite a
- political ruckus and possibly a constitutional amendment in less
- time than it takes to sing The Star-Spangled Banner.
- </p>
- <p> On the morning after the court had, with great heaving and
- sighing, delivered the flag decision, George Bush hit the Oval
- Office about 7:l5. He did not even want to hear about the state
- of the world from his CIA briefer until he had dealt with flag
- burning. In the three-minute walk from his apartment upstairs,
- he probably saw the flag in the Yellow Room or maybe the one in
- the Blue Room. Maybe he glanced down toward the Mall and spied
- the 50 flags at the base of the Washington Monument. If he
- missed all those flags, there was one right behind his desk in
- the Oval Office.
- </p>
- <p> Bush called flag burning reprehensible. He vowed that he
- would say so publicly later in the day. Where he left off, his
- senior staff picked up. "Seems to me," said one aide, "any
- virtue if carried to an extreme becomes a vice. No right is
- absolute if it is outweighed by damage to that society."
- </p>
- <p> There is nothing hokey about Bush's indignation. He has
- carried his reverence for the symbols of freedom on his sleeve
- as long as he has been in politics and used them a time or two
- for political advantage. Back in the presidential primary
- campaign of l988, Bush's field surveys showed that the
- controversy over requiring the Pledge of Allegiance in schools
- was a warm issue, the pro-Pledge stand wildly favored in many
- audiences. His visit to a New Jersey flag factory during the
- campaign drew some boos from the political commentators, but
- Bush never blushed.
- </p>
- <p> Handling the flag at that level of power is tricky. Lyndon
- Johnson quite literally ground his teeth when he looked out his
- White House window and saw the Viet Nam protesters desecrate
- flags. But he was a prisoner of jingoism gone sour. Richard
- Nixon used the Stars and Stripes as a weapon against the
- marchers, ordering extraordinary displays of flags, pointedly
- wearing a flag lapel pin.
- </p>
- <p> Air Force One pilot Colonel Ralph Albertazzie had a better
- idea. When traveling abroad with the President, he was moved by
- the sight of people weeping when the plane taxied up. But he
- often flew and landed at night, and the long, graceful fuselage
- was swallowed by the dark. Albertazzie had small spotlights
- installed in the plane's horizontal stabilizers to illuminate
- the flag painted on its towering rudder. Wherever and whenever
- the President flies, the flag glows; the darker the night, the
- more spectacular the effect. That, in a way, is the history of
- the flag. It is not going to change, whatever the court may say.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
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